Friday, June 12, 2009

CULTURAL DIMENSIONS OF FREE EXPRESSION

INTRODUCTION


            Society will be incomplete without a communication system that facilitates intra and inter-group interaction.  Communication animates and sustains social relationships.  Without doubt, the process is fundamental in the transferring of meanings and defining of actions among individuals and groups in a social unit.  This need has, over time, encouraged individual societies to develop patterns and systems of communication based on traditional, cultural, historical and philosophical norms and values.  Equally, boundaries of freedom for individuals to express themselves in communication are quite often, even if not markedly, drawn to regulate, or in a fluid sense, to inform the expressive means of community members.  In other words, the freedom of the individual to express himself in the community setting is not unlimited.

            With developments in the various facets of society, issues of communication are mostly seen from the perspective of modern socio-political, economic and technological trends.  For instance, it is very common to come across arguments on the level and quality of freedom of expression enjoyed by the citizens of a particular country, without necessarily considering the corresponding quality of such freedom guaranteed by the cultures of the people in such an area.  Infact, most constitutions in the world have enshrined the right of the individual to freedom of expression as contained in the United Nations charter.

            In this paper, the focus is on the right to freedom of expression from the cultural perspective.  In other words, we shall explore into the nature, determinants and allowance of freedom of expression in communilistic groups as defined by their cultural norms and values.  In the process, we shall identify the boundaries of freedom of expression be it verbally, non-verbally, horizontally or vertically.  As observed by Carl (1972), man lives in his culture. An uneducated infant, for instance, becomes a full human being as it absorbs, adopts and adapts to the ways of the elders.  It is also arguably true that an individual does not exist outside the society into which he is born and socialized.  Culture not only socializes him but also personalizes him.  Thus, understanding the dimensions and levels of freedom of expression among the people at their cultural level would enhance our wider appreciation of the handling and interpretation of the constitutional provision on freedom of expression by the people and even governments in Nigeria.

            Simply defined, freedom of expression refers to the right of the individual to say what he/she believes without let or hindrance.  In several cases, a proviso is added to indicate that so long as what is said is within the bounds of the law. People need to be free to hold and express themselves in discussions, songs, exchanges, talks, etc.  Quite often, it is also said that freedom of expression is a key to several other freedoms and development (Sen, 1999). Indeed, the subject of free expression is one of the cardinal issues that preoccupy the human race irrespective of geopolitical or socio-cultural barriers.

            Thus, in this paper, our focus is on the cultural dimensions of freedom of expression in four major communities of Adamawa State, Nigeria.  These groups are the: Fulbe, Bwatiye, Kilba and Chamba.  Even though, there are no special reasons for picking the four groups, apart from convenience and accessibility, one must however state that they are among the largest and possibly influential groups in the state.  Of course, there are many more groups that could equally be considered.

            In the process of generating data for the study, prominent elders in each of the communities were interviewed.  Similarly, being an indigene of the state has afforded the author an opportunity of observing communication behaviours in the various communities over a long period of time.  In addition, literatures on the various groups were consulted for extra information on the subject.

FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF FREE EXPRESSION AMONG THE FULBE, BWATIYE, KILBA AND CHAMBA

 

            A general survey among the four groups reveals that they have similar communication systems or patterns that operate on established societal cultural norms and values.  An earlier study by Moemeka (1998) had concluded that:

In truly and authentic communalistic communities, communication (whether horizontal or vertical, verbal or nonverbal, or for social, religious or political matters) is carried on strictly according to the established norms (i.e. communication rules) of the community.  These norms are, on the whole, based             on several fundamental principles that have been shown to have strong philosophical implications that underscore the rationale for the unique communication pattern in communalistic cultures.

 

He listed these principles, which we also found prevalent in the four communities, to include but not limited to:  Supremacy of the community, sanctity of authority, usefulness of the individual, respect for elders and influence of religion.  All of these principles are embedded and upheld in the cultures of the four communities as we shall explain, and add few more which define, perhaps, more characteristically the boundaries of freedom of expression among the Fulbe, Bwatiye, Kilba and Chamba of Adamawa State, Nigeria.

            These principles are not clearly written or formally taught to group members.  But they are embedded in the group culture to direct, or to a lesser extent, “advice” members in exercising their right to freely express themselves either verbally or non-verbally, horizontally or vertically.  Sanctions for infringement are usually culturally driven.  The various principles could be explained thus:

·                    Supremacy of the Community:  In each of the communities, great respect is accorded to the overall interest of the society.  The individual is not expected to engage in activities or speak on issues that could be injurious to the interest of the community.  In the words of Moemeka (1998), “the high pedestal on which the community is placed imposes limitations and demands on what the individual can say about the community, to whom, when, and how”.  This is indeed for the four communities.

While a member can freely criticize another member, he is not expected to condemn or openly criticize his community.  He is expected to promote and project the community’s image at all times and in all places.  Community good must always override individual interest because as the saying goes among the groups, “you can take a man out of his country, but cannot take his country out of him”.  Thus, the individual must be conscious of the interest of his community in all his utterances and speeches.

·                    Sanctity of Authority:  Community leadership must be accorded highest respect and recognition in the four groups. In fact, most other communities in Nigeria recognise the status of the leader and other cultural offices holders.  For instance, Llyod (1954) had stated that among the Yoruba, the King (Alafin) was more than a chief, he was a divine king and the personification of the whole town”. This belief automatically confers a “near-divine reverence” status on the King”.  Such a belief therefore becomes a major obstacle to a community member who may wish to openly criticize, disagree or even disobey the king’s decision.  A similar situation is found among the four groups.  In fact, among the Fulbe, Bwatiye, Kilba and Chamba, there are organized channels of communication from the leadership to the ordinary people and vice versa.

Cultural office holders also enjoy high level of freedom of expression among the people.  In most cases, the chief and his council have the final say, except, as in the case of the Bwatiye, the gods intervene.  Among the Fulbes, the people see the Lamido (Emir) as “one among equals” whose words are highly regarded. One is therefore expected to be conscious of this fact and reflect it in his utterances.

·                    Traditional moral codes: All the groups have unique moral codes that serve as operational frameworks for members, individually and collectively.  The moral codes guide the behaviour and actions of members in their intra-and inter-group relations.  Infact, the moral code among the Fulbe known as Pulaaku is deeply ingrained and prominently manifested in the behaviour of the typical pullo man or woman.  The blief in the community is that every pullo infant is born with his pulaaku, which represents his “Fulbeness”.  Pulaaku has six to eight components with semtende (modesty) being the most important and widely applied aspect of the code.

Generally, all the codes emphasise universally accepted values and standards that uphold and promote honesty, truthfulness, community spirit, sanctity of life, respect for elders, hard work, honour for the family and self, and dislike for all forms of antisocial behaviour, etc. For instance, all the codes are unanimous in condemning lying, double-speak, and hatred for others, jealousy, adultery, laziness, boastfulness and the like.  For example, semtende among the Fulbe recommends moderation and caution in the manner and content of the speeches of an individual.  A person who talks “much” is negatively described as dimajo (talkative), a label that is very demeaning, particularly to the female folk. It is clear from the foregoing that the various moral codes have great influence in the content and manner the community member expresses himself. Deviation usually results in different forms of culturally defined consequences that could sometime lead to a member being boycotted by the entire community.

·                    Respect for the elderly:  The African community accords very high regard to the elderly.  Age is a great determinant to an individuals’ freedom of expression in his community.  The situation is also the same among the four communities in this study.  For instance, among the Kilba, “a child is not expected to share shade with elders”.  For the Kilba, Bwatiye and Chamba, the age of eighteen and above is the age that qualifies a child to contribute to deliberations by elders.  In the Kilba setting, there are three classes: children, adults and the elderly.  The younger ones are expected to subordinate their views, ideas and opinions on issues to those of elders and their parents.  In the words of one of the elders, “In the age grade that you call youth, free expression of their ideas and opinion on anything is only within their own age grade.  They cannot express themselves to people outside this grade and at this level, they can only receive directives and guidance from the elders”.  The system is similar with that of the Fulbe who describe a child that meddles in the affairs of elders as mo semtata, a damaging appellation that attracts condemnation from the community. Elders are seen as fountains of wisdom who inspire and lead the society based on their vast experiences, knowledge and status.  This is why they are regarded as judges, leaders, motivators, teachers, etc.  in the community.  Their opinions are highly regarded, and they enjoy far greater freedom in expression than other classes of people of lower ages.

·                    Sustenance of community Spirit:  In the four communities, the individual is strongly encouraged, indeed required to promote togetherness, community spirit, group interest and render help to the disadvantaged (like the sick, orphaned, divorcee, etc).  This principle enjoins the individual in both his hidden and manifest behaviours, utterances and actions to place community interest above the self and display honesty and trust in his personal and group relations. 

Thus, the freedom of the individual to express himself should not be a license to injure community spirit or hurt the disadvantaged  members of the community.  In other words, community solidarity and cohesiveness must influence the freedom of expression among members.

·                    Sanctity of Religion:  Members of the Fulbe, Bwatiye, Kilba and Chamba communities are ardent adherents of the two religions of Islam and Christianity.  Equally, there are quite a number of individuals who adhere to traditional beliefs among the Bwatiye, Kilba and Chamba.  Religion has greatly influenced the communities by moderating the expressive spirit of individuals.  Certain things are considered “sinful” or religiously and morally unacceptable.  The individual is therefore taught to avoid talking about such things. The community frowns upon “sinful”, “unguarded”, “slanderous”, and similar comments, especially in the public arena. Without doubt, religion has a great impact on the freedom of expression in the four communities.  A member is expected to remain conscious of religious tenets and injunctions in his intra and inter-group communication.

·                    Intercultural relations:  It is common to find interclan and intercommunity joking relationships between the peoples of the various communities in North East Nigeria.  Such relations are usually products of historical circumstances characterized by verbal war of wits, which are happily or jokingly stated.  For instance, such relations exist between the Fulbe and Kanuri, Bwatiye and Chamba, Bwatiye and Jukun, Fulbe and Tiv, Kilba and Marghi,  Kilba and Babur.  In a joking relationship, one has a license to tell the King, for example, all sorts of things with no qualms or   fear of any unpleasant consequences.  Such a comment will be taken in good faith and in light mood.  Under this framework, an individual can say a lot of things with little fear of reprisals or sanction from either the Palace or any other authority.

·                    Position of Women: The freedom of expression enjoyed by the female and male folks is unequal among the people of the four communities.  It was found that the level of freedom granted to young women is limited by culture.  For example, a young woman is not encouraged to express herself forcefully and openly in the community.  In the words of an elderly Bwatiye woman, “a woman can only express herself in company of other women.  She is also expected to say a lot in her children upbringing.  However, when serious issues are being discussed, a woman’s opinion is not sought.  She is simply a passive receiver of decisions taken on her behalf by the elderly men” (and in some case, women) (Gibakuda Demsa).

Among the Kilbas, “…a woman is dependant on her parents or husband.  She cannot express her feelings freely and openly” (Ishiyaku, S.).  However, a young girl ready for marriage can freely express her choice, albeit to a limited extent.  Equally, a woman can express herself in her group or among her age-mates.

Freedom is quite restrictive among the Fulbes where semtende (modesty) and community view of women seriously constrict the dimensions of women’s expression.  Even elderly women are hardly spared of these restrictions.  As explained by one of the respondents,  “elderly pullo woman can talk freely with elders like community and religious leaders or her relatives…”. She can talk freely in their presence.  Except to this category of people, she cannot talk freely and openly outside her household (Sulei, A.).

Community members are therefore required to be quite conscious of the position of the woman in the communication system.  A female, for example, is strongly reminded of this principle in her desire to express herself in the community.

·                    Special Occasions:  Special occasions like Sallah festivals, cultural festivals, initiation ceremonies, wrestling contests, etc, to an extent, could be a factor in expanding or restricting an individual’s freedom to expression in the community.  For instance, among the Bwatiye, during specific festivals (like Vayato, Vumori, Kwete and Fisei), some moments of silence are observed throughout the land.  According to a respondent, “disregard for this will incur the wrath of the gods.  In the period of silence preceding the commencement of the festivals, everybody (without exception) must refrain from loud and unnecessary noise (Tumbiya, B.).

Among the Chamba, there are also some festivals and religious rites that are treated with utmost secrecy.  A breach can be catastrophic to the individual, thus suggesting that everyone must exercise his freedom of expression with great caution. In spite of that, there are also cultural festivals (like Jub-yemi and Tub-kupsa) that serve as avenues for “limitless self expression on all issues by the community members”.  On such occasions, “nobody is spared, whether the person concerned is a chief, title holder or a member of the elders council, his name gets a mention if he/she merits being mentioned (Malup, L.).

The Kilba and the Fulbe also have similar traditions, except that the Fulbe appear to be less permissive in terms of open negative expressions during festivals.

·                    Recognised Status: Perhaps, a category of people who deserve being mentioned are the praise singers and traditional poets who are found in all the communities.  Widely recognized and popularly acknowledged for their talents in their communities, they have liecences to observe societal trends and sing about them. In this process, the traditional signer/poet may, in an entertaining manner, draw the attention of the public to certain issues in the society.  Some times even the high and mighty are not spared by this group of people an their actions hardly attract societal rebuke.

But in the Fulbe Community, except for those that are considered “serious minded Islamic poets”, praise singers are not generally highly regarded.  Equally, their expressive ability to criticize is also minimal because it is seen as part of soinde semtende (Shamelessness).

CONCLUSION

            This paper, had in a general sense, surveyed the cultural dimensions of free expression among the Fulbe, Bwatiye, Kilba and Chamba communities.  It was revealed that the communities have developed a number of fundamental principles based on their individual philosophical values, traditions, norms and social set ups to guide the innate desire of community members to freely express themselves.  Basically, the communities are not oblivious of the centrality of free expression in intra and inter-group relations. Perhaps, to guard against negative fallouts in exercising this freedom and the need to maintain community safety, order, peace, unity, harmony, morals, self worth, and collective good, culturally appropriate principles have been devised and incorporated into the communication system of the communities.  Of course, the freedom to expression is not limitless.  Just like the situation in the modern nation state, our cultures also have defined boundaries for self-expression.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

            In this paper, we have attempted to explain the cultural dimensions of freedom of expression in four communities in Adamawa State, Nigeria.  Being an exploratory study, there are many gaps and matters arising that we believe can motivate scholars to embark on further investigations that may address the following:

·                    In-depth studies of more communities should be undertaken to obtain data that could lead us to some major conckusions on the African Cultural Communication System.

·                    Comparative analysis of the various cultural dimensions of the subject can be done in different communities.

·                    Examine the effects of a Journalists’ cultural background on his professional performance.  It may be interesting to find out if an individual Journalists’ cultural orientation affects his professional standards/ethics. Possibly that could explain in a more empirical manner the behaviour of some media outfits and their personnel in Nigeria.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

            The author acknowledges with thanks the active support and assistance of Mr. Senan John Murray and Mallam Mohammadu Gidado Bello for their inputs into this work.  They undertook the fieldwork that provided the data for the paper.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

REFERENCES

 

Jival, P. H. (1993). The Kilba and their Literature. Lagos: Concept Publications.

 

Llyold, P.C. (1954). “The Traditional Political System of the Yoruba”. In

                                    Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. Vol. 10, No.4,  p.366

Moemeka, A(     ).

Namdas, A. (1997). Aspects of the History and Traditions of the Chamba Nakenyare.

                                    Kano: Adex Printers.

 

Sen, Amartya (1999). Development As Freedom. New York:  Anchor Books.

 

Verlecke, C. (1987). “From Pasture to Purdah: The Transformation of Women’s roles

                                    Among the Adamawa Fulbe” In Annals of Borno Vol.4

                                    Unimaid Press.

 

Voh, A. A. and Aleiyideino S.C (ed) (1985). Bwatiye Culture. Lagos: Pacific

                                    Publishers.

 

THOSE INTERVIEWED/RESPONDENTS.

Bwatiye.

Gibakuda R. Demsa, 73 Demsa

Ndyehwdye Nafuwo Giwa, 69 Dong

Tumbiya Mathew, 71 Opalo

Chamba

Linus Mulip, 60 Lengdo

Vitalis Bakari, 65 Jangbunu

Kevin Jalo, 65 Jangbunu

Kilba

Isiyaku S., Hong

Reuben I., Hong

Elizabeth N., Yola

Dzarma H., Yola

Fulbe

Sulei, A. A. Song

Hamidu A.        Yola

Ruwo U.          Girei

Ardo A.           Yola.

 

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