INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION METHODS AMONGST THE FULBE OF ADAMAWA STATE

This piece was jointly written by myself and GARBA K. DAUDU, PhD Centre for Nigerian Languages Bayero University Kano kawagar@yahoo.com

^INTRODUCTION

Conflict is part of human and non-human life. Every society can be engulfed in one form of conflict or the other since it characterizes human interaction at the levels of the individual, group, community and nation. Expectedly, the Fulani or Fulbe society is no exception particularly for the fact that they live a vulnerable life first in the bush with wild animals and secondly with people who are necessitated to be their host.

Indeed, considering the social organization and nomadic attitude of the Fulbe, it should be expected that they would experience conflicts at interpersonal and inter-group levels. After all, it is often said that social relations engender conflicts. When people of distinguishing characteristics and differences live together, they are bound to have differences in their perception and understanding of one another. This is true for the nomadic Fulbe who live as a minority and distinct group from the people they stay with. At first, they speak a different language from their host communities, secondly they rear cattle, while their hosts are farmers, and thirdly, they are Muslims, while their host communities could be of any religion. Their perception of the world view is entirely parallel from their host societies.

In this chapter, our objective is to explain the common indigenous methods of conflict resolution among the Fulbe community of Adamawa State at inter and intra-group levels. Conflict resolution is a range of processes aimed at alleviating or eliminating sources of conflict. The term conflict resolution is sometimes used interchangeably with the term dispute resolution. The Fulbe have several approaches that are used indigenously as a way of insulating their community from hostilities and recognizing their worth in their host community. Such approaches are otherwise referred to as culture-based. The chapter shall conclude by observing how modern trends have affected their utilization of local conflict resolution approaches.

It is important, however, to provide brief information on the social setting of the Fulbe in Adamawa before delving into details of conflict management or conflict resolution.

THE FULBE OF ADAMAWA

The Fulbe, Fulani or Fulata, as they are variously called are scattered all over the West African Sub-region. In Nigeria and particularly in Adamawa State, there are three identifiable categories: Fulbe na’i (Mbororo’en) (nomads), Fulbe wuro (town Fulani) and Fulbe ladde (semi-settled Fulani). Some would preferably refer to them as nomadic, sedentary, and sedentary-rural respectively (Saad, 1999:2). The simple difference between these groups is that the sedentary Fulbe live permanently in villages and towns with urban based occupations, while the nomads and semi-nomads are still connected to cattle rearing. Thus, we can simply classify them into just two broad groups. The two groups of Fulbe are “generally but not mutually exclusive” (VerEecke, 1987:115). They share many things in common. They have a common heritage, speak the same language, which they called Fulfulde; they have the same moral code of behaviour referred to as Pulaaku and they share social structural similarities in kinship and marriage.

Like other Fulbe groups, the Fulbe in Adamawa are living together with different neighbours who are not Fulbe. These neighbours cut across different ethnic groupings and religions, engaged generally in farming and commerce. The Fulbe and their host communities experience occasional cases of conflict at interpersonal or group levels, which in some cases, trigger communal crises involving lost of lives and property.

CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND MANAGEMENT

The term “conflict” is variously defined to mean disagreement. Several definitions emphasize the incompatibility of goals. For example, Laue (1992:14) explains that conflict occurs in the event of “escalated competition between two or more parties, each of which aims to gain advantage of some kind-power, resources, interest, values…. At least one of the parties believes that conflict is over a set of mutually incompatible goals.” Similarly, “when two or more parties perceive that their interests are incompatible, they express hostile attitudes, or… pursue their interests through actions that damage the other parties. These parties may be individuals, small or large groups and countries.” Albert (2002:2) observes that human perception of reality is very important in the understanding of a conflict situation.

Folger, et al (1997:69) has identified five key features of conflict interaction that:

• Conflict interaction is characterized by moves and counter-moves which are themselves determined by the power wielded by the parties involved;
• Pattern of behaviour tends to be sustained;
• Steps taken in the course of such interaction are products of the larger environment in which they take place;
• There is a general understanding of the direction of such interaction; and
• Such interaction impacts on relation between the parties involved.

It is also important to state that conflicts occur at different levels. These levels are:

1. Intra-personal
2. Inter-personal
3. Intra-group/Community
4. Inter-Group/community

Sa’ad (1999:2) had noted that even though the different levels of conflicts exist, communities in North-East Nigeria including the Fulbe of Adamawa appear to record higher cases of inter-personal and intra-group/community conflicts. These conflicts, he observes, usually involve cases like theft, debts, adultery, wife abduction and homicide. Sa’ad also reported that there are various ways of managing and resolving conflicts in the communities of the zone. Some of the approaches are individualistic and formal, while some others are communal and informal. Conflicts could also be managed peacefully or in extreme cases with violence.

TRADITIONAL METHODS OF CONFLICT MANAGEMENT AND RESOLUTION AMONG THE FULBE

Like any other group, the Fulbe have their indigenous methods of resolving conflicts based on the nature, gravity and person(s) involved. As indicated earlier, inter and intra-group conflicts are quite common among the Fulbe. One explanation for this is that, the Fulbe settlements are in the minority, and maintain their distinctive cultural uniqueness. Thus, while they form separate communities wherever they are, they must, however interact with their host community for their daily needs and also for social cohesion. Although they live outside their host communities, they respect the leadership of these communities and pay allegiance to them as long as they are protected by them. However, in the event of conflict, the following are some of the approaches the Fulbe take in order to manage it. These approaches to conflict resolution are for inter-group and intra-group conflicts. They range from:

1. Pulaaku (‘Fulbe-ness’)

2. Eggol (avoidance/migration)

3. Kombol (sanctioning)

4. Sulhotiral (arbitration/mediation)

5. Lamlambe (community leaders)

6. Mawbe (elders)

7. Kunnol (oath taking)

8. Soro (beating game)

9. Feuding

10. Raiding

The Fulbe are always conscious of the fact that they are a minority and their host community could be antagonistic towards them at any point in time. These are experiences they had carried all along in their life as a survival strategy. Their main concern is to keep their cattle in good pasture no matter how vulnerable they may be. The cattle Fulani is by no means a colonizer, but a servant of his cattle. He would always be hostile to anybody who wants to deny his cattle good pasture. His worst enemy is the environment that is not favourable to his cattle.

INTRA-FULBE CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISMS

Like any other community, the Fulbe are bound to experience intra-group conflicts for which they have, over time, developed appropriate mechanisms for their management and resolution.

The first and commonest approach of resolving any intra-group conflict is by resorting to Pulaaku. This entails demonstrating patience, perseverance and accommodation. In this way the Fulani must overlook the gravity of any offence as a source of conflict. The Fulani is expected to accommodate the “offence” of other person because it is an act of Pulaaku which is a great virtue that breeds self-respect and mutual understanding. No matter the level of provocation, one is encouraged to abide by Pulaaku. After all, it is Pulaaku that distinguishes the Pullo from a non-Pullo.

Conflicts among and between Fulbe are also settled through the instrumentality of traditional authorities. These are elders (Ndottien) and leaders (Ardibe) who are called upon to intervene and mediate, and in some cases, apportion blame in interpersonal and intra-clan disputes. But, in the case of intra-clan disputes, the various heads meet with the district head to resolve the conflict. A common example of inter-clan dispute is the observance of quarantine zone to avoid infections in animals and conflict between owners.

Perhaps, related to the above approach is the resort to the walderu or age-grade system. Some matters concerning individuals are referred to the age-group for resolution. In the walderu, peer pressure is applied to resolve whatever conflict that is at stake. In the same vein, a youth who is initiated into the world of ‘elderhood’ is expected to shirk off all conflicts surrounding him to qualify into the new status of an elder.

Soro (beating game) is yet another approach to resolving conflicts, especially among the Fulbe youth. Soro is one avenue through which youthful exuberance and feeling of lawlessness are managed or contained to avoid occasional explosion. Soro, which is an organized violent game, creates opportunities for individuals or communities to fight one another through the institutionalized game where participants exhibit bravery. It serves as a disciplinary game where the rules are tailored towards settling old scores in a violent but friendly manner.

Another common approach in resolving intra-personal disputes is through hunayeere (oath taking) where disputants swear in the name of Allah to demonstrate the validity of their stand. This is based on the belief that if an individual swears falsely, something terrible would befall him. By taking the oath, the conflict is considered resolved and thus closed. The case is thus referred to Allah for His judgement. Both parties are expected to wholly abide by the oath taking with all honesty.

INTER-GROUP CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISMS

Since the tenets of Pulaaku are very central in the conduct and behaviour of the Fulbe, by virtue of being a moral code which symbolizes the Fulbe struggle to retain their distinctiveness in the face of many challenges and hardships, they play a vital role in the event of inter-group/community conflict. Pulaaku is central in the Fulbe endurance in their social and physical environments (Ver Eecke, 1991:11). Saad (1992:2) argues that “Pulaaku is so extensive that the nomadic Fulani may have no need for conflict resolution mechanisms because consensus may be the consequence. Nevertheless, conflicts do take place and have to be resolved. Interestingly, pulaaku, apart from being a set of guiding principles, has also been a conflict resolution mechanism at the community level.”

If a conflict occurs, the Fulbe would prefer to look the other way in consonance with the pulaaku tenets of reserveness, patience and endurance. The Fulbe consider the ability to suppress provocation as an epitome of Pulaaku (Fulbe-ness). It is important, therefore, to emphasise that pulaaku has remained a useful mechanism in managing and resolving inter-group conflicts in the community.

If the conflict generating activity persists and seems to be non-resolvable, a second method of resolution is adopted. This is through withdrawing from the area of conflict to avoid the situation. It is known as eggudu (shifting). This is not very difficult for at all because their attachment to a place depends on the hospitality of the inhabitants and the availability of pasture for the animals. More so, they have no permanent structures that can be a burden whenever they intend to move. Their housing facilities are always readily available. Thus, “the hut cost little or nothing to build…”(Daudu, 1999). Consequently, to avoid crisis they simply shift to a peaceful location where their cattle can pasture well.

Whenever the conflict has resulted in skirmishes, or might result into skirmishes, the Fulbe would have no choice than to move far away from the scene of events for the safety of their life and that of their cattle. For instance, Fulbe in Adamawa who experience conflict in the northern part of the state migrate to the southern part and vice versa. But, such an act should not be misconstrued to mean fear or weakness, rather it is rooted in the Fulbe belief that Lesdi Allah dundi (the land of Allah is vast). For them, land should not be seen as a property that they have to die for in the first instance. In other words, rather than stand and fight, it is more honorable to migrate from the land of conflict. The Fulbe being Muslims never deviate from the antecedence of history like the migration of the Prophet from Mecca to Medina and also the migration of their kin, Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio, who migrated from Gudu to Degel before eventually launching the Jihad. There is a popular Fulbe adage that says: ndikka ardo kulnga dow ardo elewnga ‘better a leader that fears (for his people) than a leader that is brave (exposes his people to danger). A brave leader will consume his people unnecessarily, whereas the opposite would protect them.

Inter-group conflicts are also resolved by the Fulbe through a form of community imposed sanctions or excommunication known as kommbol. Kommbol entails cutting off any form of dealing with the community or unit considered as the “offender.” The sanctioned community is denied the benefit of economic or social linkages with other Fulbe groups.

The process of sanctioning starts by the aggrieved Fulbe community distributing kolanuts (senndugo goorooje) to nearby and distant Fulbe settlements. The significance of the kolanuts is to formerly inform all Fulbe of the imposition of sanctions on the “offending” community and urging them in the spirit of Pulaaku to boycott the sanctioned community. During the sanction period, there would be no economic or social interaction between Fulbe and the “offending” community. As an enterprising people, neighbouring communities heavily depend on them for food and meat. They also buy many things in return from their host communities. The consequence of such sanctions could be so devastating that elders and people in authority must quickly intervene to save the situation from escalating.

This then leads us to the next approach of resolving conflict, which is referred to as sulhotiral (mediation) involving community elders, ward heads, district heads and sometimes up to the Emir. Unless a case becomes very serious and protracted, it is handled by the elders or ward heads or district head. But, for a conflict that involves a sanction, the emir would have to adjudicate knowing the possible consequences on the disputants. The Emir would adjudicate and issue strong warnings to the elders and clan heads to avoid reoccurrence. Each action taken by the Fulbe as a means of resolving conflict is decided by the reasons that have triggered the conflict.

Another approach to conflict resolution by the Fulbe is that of extreme circumstances. The approach is that of fighting or attack on the community or group in dispute. The Fulbe are often described as unforgiving. When they are involved in any conflict, they would consider it shameful not to resolve it, whether to their satisfaction or not. If not properly addressed, the tendency is for the Fulbe to remain dangerously silent, usually planning for revenge. And such revenge usually comes in violent forms of conflict resolution.

Sa’ad (1999:2) observes that two popular forms of violent conflict resolution by the Fulbe are feuding and raiding. Feuding is especially applied in blood matters resulting in a collective responsibility of the family to avenge. Perhaps, the most common violent means associated with the Fulbe is that of raiding. The Fulbe are noted for embarking on raiding expeditions to hostile communities. Raids are usually pre-planned and preceded by sanctions. Where sanctions are imposed and kolanuts distributed, raids should be expected if the situation is not satisfactorily handled by leaders within a short period.

MODERN APPROACHES

Modern trends have affected the traditional conflict resolution mechanisms among the Fulbe. The Fulbe, though considered generally conservative are still significantly affected by historical, political, religious, social, geographical and economic changes in society. These changes have, undoubtedly, impacted on the local institutions and conflict resolution mechanisms among them.

The institutionalization of formal authority (hukuma) symbolized by the court and police systems have brought a new dimension in the resolution of interpersonal and inter-group conflicts. Hukuma is apparently stronger and more reliable than some of the traditional methods.

Nowadays, disputes are often referred to the hukuma for settlement. But, it must be emphasized that the pullo would prefer the option of resolving his dispute without resorting to the court, because of their view of the police as “expensive, degrading, alien, slow, time consuming… (Felstinger, 1974:80). Perhaps, that could explain the preference for relating with the hukuma through a second party like the Mi yetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association. The Association has developed strong linkages with the different authorities. The Fulbe, particularly the nomads, have come to rely on it in handling their conflicts with other communities. Unfortunately, the modern mechanisms do not always appear effective. In the words of Sa’ad (1999:7), “the modern conflict resolution mechanisms do not seem to constitute adequate/effective regular alternatives for peaceful resolution of conflicts. No wonder then that the violent methods of conflict resolutions such as communal clashes are resorted to in spite of their illegality.”

CONCLUSION

The Fulbe experience different dimensions of conflict in their interactions with their host communities. In fact, the practice of nomadism or pastoralism has remained a major source of conflict between them and their neighbours. Interestingly, too, they appreciate their circumstances and have evolved numerous traditional mechanisms to manage and resolve the various conflicts that occur in their community.

Pulaaku, a unique characteristic of the Fulbe, has been found to be a very important and effective instrument of managing and resolving conflicts at the intra and inter-group levels. Other methods include avoidance/withdrawal, the beating game, mediation, sanctioning, oath taking and in extreme cases violent raids. These methods have not remained static. Dynamic modern political, social and economic developments have transformed them to withstand the changes experienced within the Fulbe society. The methods have undoubtedly remained useful to them.

It is hereby suggested that further researches be undertaken into the nature of conflicts and their resolution patterns in the Fulbe community not only in Adamawa but wherever they are. A clearer understanding of the concept of Pulaaku would definitely assist policy makers and mediators in resolving conflicts that involve the Fulbe.

REFERENCES

Albert, I. O. (2001). Introduction to Third Party Intervention in Community Conflicts. Ibadan: John Archers (Publishers) Ltd.

Daudu, G. K. ed. (1999) Life on the Move with the Pastoral Fulani, Kano, Centre for the Study of Nigerian Languages, Bayero University.

Felstinger, W.L.F (1974). “Influences of Social Organisation on Dispute Processing.” In Law and Society Review. Vol. 9 N0 1.

Folger, J.P et al (1997). Working Through Conflict. New York: Educational Publishers Inc.

Sa’ad, A. (1999). “Continuity and Change in the Methods of Conflict Resolution in some North-Eastern Nigerian Communities.” In Journal of Social Sciences and Administration. UDU, Vol 1, N0 1.

VerEecke, C. (1987). “Transformation of Women’s Roles among the Adamawa Fulbe.” In Annals of Borno. Vol. IV.

VerEecke, C. (1991). “Pulaaku: An Empowering Symbol among the Pastoral People in Nigeria.” in Tahir, Gidado (ed) Education and Pastorism in Nigeria. Zaria: ABU Press.

Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopaedia 2009